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History
Nepal's recorded history
began with the Kiratis, who arrived in the 7th or 8th century BC from the east. Little is known about them, other than their
deftness as sheep farmers and fondness for carrying long knives. It was during this period that Buddhism first came to the
country; indeed it is claimed that Buddha and his disciple Ananda visited the Kathmandu Valley and stayed for a time in Patan.
By 200 AD, Buddhism had waned, and was replaced by Hinduism, brought by the Licchavis, who invaded from northern India and
overthrew the last Kirati king. The Hindus also introduced the caste system (which still continues today) and ushered in a
classical age of Nepalese art and architecture.
By 879, the Licchavi era had petered out and was succeeded by the Thakuri
dynasty. A grim period of instability and invasion often referred to as the 'Dark Ages' followed, but Kathmandu Valley's strategic
location ensured the kingdom's survival and growth. Several centuries later, the Thakuri king, Arideva, founded the Malla
dynasty, kick-starting another renaissance of Nepali culture. Despite earthquakes, the odd invasion and feuding between the
independent city-states of Kathmandu, Patan and Bhaktapur, the dynasty flourished, reaching its zenith in the 15th century
under Yaksha Malla.
The rulers of Ghorkha, the most easterly region, had always coveted the Mallas' wealth. Under the
inspired leadership of Prithvi Narayan Shah, the Ghorkha launched a campaign to conquer the valley. In 1768 - after 27 years
of fighting - they triumphed and moved their capital to Kathmandu. From this new base the kingdom's power expanded, borne
by a seemingly unstoppable army, until progress was halted in 1792 by a brief and chastening war with Tibet.
Further
hostilities followed in 1814, this time with the British over a territorial dispute. The Nepalese were eventually put to heel
and compelled to sign the 1816 Sugauli Treaty, which surrendered Sikkim and most of Terai (some of the land was eventually
restored in return for Nepalese help in quelling the Indian Mutiny of 1857), established Nepal's present eastern and western
boundaries and, worst of all, installed a British 'resident' in the country.
The Shah dynasty continued in power during
the first half of the 19th century until the ghastly Kot Massacre of 1846. Taking advantage of the intrigue and assassinations
that had plagued the ruling family, Jung Bahadur seized control by butchering several hundred of the most important men while
they assembled in the Kot courtyard. He took the more prestigious title Rana, proclaimed himself prime minister for life,
and later made the office hereditary. For the next century, the Ranas and their offspring luxuriated in huge Kathmandu palaces,
while the remainder of the population eked out a living in medieval conditions.
The Rana's antiquated regime came to
an end soon after WW II. In 1948, the British withdrew from India and with them went the Ranas' chief support. Around the
same time, a host of insurrectional movements, bent on reshaping the country's polity, emerged. Sporadic fighting spilled
onto the streets and the Ranas, at the behest of India, reluctantly agreed to negotiations. King Tribhuvan was anointed ruler
in 1951 and struck up a government comprised of Ranas and members of the newly formed Nepali Congress Party.
But the
compromise was shortlived. After toying with democratic elections - and feeling none too pleased by the result - King Mahendra
(Tribhuvan's son and successor) decided that a 'partyless' panchaayat system would be more appropriate for Nepal. The king
selected the prime minister and cabinet and appointed a large proportion of the national assembly, which duly rubber-stamped
his policies. Power, of course, remained with only one party - the king's.
Cronyism, corruption and the creaming-off
of lucrative foreign aid into royal coffers continued until 1989. The Nepalese, fed up with years of hardship and suffering
under a crippling trade embargo imposed by the Indians, rose up in popular protest called the Jana Andolan or 'People's Movement'.
In the ensuing months, detention, torture and violent clashes left hundreds of people dead. It all proved too much for King
Birendra, in power since 1972. He dissolved his cabinet, legalised political parties and invited the opposition to form an
interim government. The panchaayat system was finally laid to rest.
The changeover to democracy proceeded in an orderly,
if leisurely, fashion, and in May 1991 the Nepali Congress Party and the Communist Party of Nepal shared most of the votes.
Since
then, Nepal has discovered that establishing a workable democratic system is an enormously difficult task - especially when
it is the country's first such system. The situation has been further exacerbated by a wafer-thin economy, massive unemployment,
illiteracy and an ethnically and religiously fragmented population that continues to grow at an alarming rate.
The
fractured political landscape in Nepal was torn apart in June 2001 with the massacre of most of the royal family - including
King Birendra - by Crown Prince Dipendra. Civil strife erupted again in Kathmandu, with a curfew imposed to quell street violence.
Prince
Gyanendra, the brother of King Birendra, ascended to the throne, and although three months on, relative calm has replaced
the widespread civil unrest that immediately followed the massacre, there is still much political uncertainty.
King
Gyanendra is said to be playing a greater behind-the-scenes role than his brother did, and attempting to make the palace more
transparent. However, it will be an uphill battle for the new king, who has to deal not only with suspicion around his role
in the royal killings and his move to the throne, but with a range of fiscal and political problems.
Chief of these
is the Maoist rebellion against the government, which has claimed 1700 lives over the past six years. The first round of peace
talks between the rebels and the government took place at the end of August 2001 and a ceasefire was declared. However, this
fragile détente is at risk from the government's proposed land reforms and budget decisions, and major political challenges.
In early September 2001 a tentative left alliance comprising 10 left-wing political parties emerged, along with calls for
a united government of representatives from all political directions, including Mao rebels, and changes to the constitution.
The
2001 post-monsoon season, bringing with it a new influx of tourists and an unclear political landscape, will be a difficult
time for both King Gyanendra and the Nepalese government. It remains to be seen how the tiny kingdom will deal with these
new challenges
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